Sex,
Lies & Feminism
by
Peter Zohrab
Chapter
7: Employment Issues & the Women Can Do Anything Lie
1999
Version
0.
News Item
Barry
Ceminchuk ... has sued the President of the United States and the Secretary
of Defense for employment discrimination against him and all men.[1]
1. Introduction
The
Feminist slogans "Women Can Do Anything" and "Girls Can Do Anything" are
lies, if you interpret them as statements of fact. They are never applied
fairly to areas such as professional sports, for example. But they are
not really statements of supposed fact: they are slogans -- exhortations
of the kind that have been commonly used in totalitarian countries (e.g.
Communist countries) to overcome and conquer the truth, and to make something
true that was obviously not true when the campaign started.
The
main aim of Feminists in recent years has been to get more women into the
paid workforce, and to make life for them there as pleasant and as profitable
as possible -- at the expense of men's interests, if need be. Feminists
have paid lip-service to the notions of "equality" and "equity" where this
seemed to be a useful tactic. However, there have been effectively no men's
pressure-groups to make sure that these notions were actually taken seriously
across the board -- as opposed to just as and when some Feminist group
decided to make an issue of them.
Consequently,
there are areas in paid employment where women have achieved an unfair
advantage over men. And there are other areas where women already had an
advantage -- thanks to old-fashioned chivalry -- and where Feminists have
actually built on and worsened an already inequitable state of affairs.
Three employment areas where men are disadvantaged are professional sports,
professional modelling, and the police.
2. Equal Employment Opportunities and Affirmative
Action
Equal
Employment Opportunities and Affirmative Action policies kill. Mainly,
they kill men (see below). And that's quite apart from the jobs that they
steal away from able men to squander on less qualified women. There are
obvious, apparent differences between the policies of Equal Employment
Opportunities and Affirmative Action, but the practical meaning of these
policies depends on how they are interpreted in practice, of course.
The
slogan "Women Can Do Anything" is a lie, and it has formed the basis of
a very successful Feminist campaign to get women doing things that tradtionally
they hadn't been doing in any numbers. It is a lie, because:
-
men
can't do just anything, so how is it that women can do just anything?
-
it
really means that women can do everything that men can do -- but that is
a lie, because women and men are segregated in most sports activities (see
below). And that occurs precisely because women can't do everything as
well as men can!
-
People
(mainly men) are put at risk when this lie puts women into positions where
they are not physically competent:
Every
time that male and female police officers patrol together, that happens
because one other man failed to get a job (see below). That job was given
to one woman who performed less well that he did in a physical test. So
when those two police officers patrol together, the man will sometimes
be forced to protect the woman, because she can't cope physically with
the demands of the job. That happened recently near Wellington, New Zealand.
Two unarmed police officers were injured -- the man much more severely
than the woman -- in an assault.
People
may needlessly die in fires, now that the Fire Service is forced to hire
women. They may already have died unnecessarily. Women don't have the upper-body
strength to move unconscious, heavy people out of burning buildings by
themselves. So, in the past, if two firemen entered a burning building
and saw two unconscious people, those two people would be brought out to
safety. Now, if a male and a female fire fighter enter a burning building
and find two unconscious people -- they had better not both be adult males
or (culturally heavy) Polynesians! If so, one of them will just be out
of luck -- unless he survives until the male firefighter comes back on
his next trip in!
Policies
on so-called "Equal Employment Opportunities" for men and women are a result
of the relatively recent upsurge in numbers of women in the paid workforce.
This upsurge, in turn, was the result of:
-
the
increased mechanisation of the workplace, which reduced the importance
of physical strength;
-
an
increase in available labour-saving devices for the home, which gave women
more free time;
-
the
availability of safe and convenient methods of birth-control, which had
the same result;
-
pressure
from Feminists, who convinced generations of Western women that it was
much nobler work in paid employment than it was to be a traditional
housewife.
However,
Equal Employment Opportunities, having arisen as a result of Feminist pressure,
has developed along lines dictated by Feminists. Male-only or mainly-male
workplaces were made to conform to policies designed to make it easier
for women who wanted to work alongside men. No thought seems to have been
devoted to what policies men might need in order to be able to work alongside
all these women!
The
New Zealand Human Rights Commission's Equal Employment Opportunities Manual
defines "Equal Employment Opportunities" as:
"A
SYSTEMATIC, RESULTS-ORIENTED, SET OF ACTIONS THAT ARE DIRECTED TOWARDS
THE IDENTIFICATION AND ELIMINATION OF DISCRIMINATORY BARRIERS THAT CAUSE
OR PERPETUATE INEQUALITY IN THE EMPLOYMENT OF ANY PERSON OR GROUP OF PERSONS."
There
are at least three areas in Society where it is MEN that are discriminated
against by such barriers. Before I go on to discuss these areas in detail,
here's another quotation from the Equal Employment Opportunities Manual:
"MEN
WHO ARE NOT WITHIN THE TARGET GROUPS (that means: men who do not belong
to an ethnic or other disadvantaged minority), MEN WHO ARE NOT WITHIN THE
TARGET GROUPS ARE NOT INCLUDED FOR SPECIAL CONSIDERATION IN THE MANUAL.
THEY HAVE NOT BEEN SUBJECTED IN THE SAME DEGREE TO THE FACTORS WHICH HAVE
LIMITED THE PARTICIPATION IN EMPLOYMENT OF TARGET GROUP MEMBERS."
Even
if men are not subjected to the same SORT of employment discrimination
-- they are still subjected to employment discrimination, though it might
be of a different kind. This discrimination results from the fact that
Human Rights legislation is usually not written with men in mind, from
the fact that there are very few Men's Rights pressure groups, and from
the fact that men are chivalrous and apply a sexist double standard that
favours women whenever necessary.
What
seems to be happening is that all this propaganda about Equal Employment
Opportunities is putting pressure on organisations to hire and promote
women FOR THE SAKE OF HIRING AND PROMOTING WOMEN. These organisations worry
about their images. They have to look good in the marketplace and in Society.
Also, women spend much more money than men do, so this gives them power
over retail firms and advertisers.
Men
may be fired to make space for women. These women will then not be selected
on merit. These women may be being selected just because they are women.
This is serious sex discrimination, if it is indeed happening.
In
June 1994, a Men's Network was formed by male staff at New Zealand's Open
Polytechnic. Its aim was to combat the apparent "gender-cleansing" effects
of the Equal Employment Opportunities policy practised by that institution's
female Principal.
Tom
Dowling was the coordinator of this Men's Network. According to him, he
had never before thought seriously about discrimination against men, or
about men's rights.
I
interviewed him for Wellington Access Radio's Men's Rights programme. He
told me that an informal meeting at morning tea had crystallised the issue
for him and his male colleagues. The Open Polytechnic was in the middle
of the latest redundancy round -- the fifth in four years. Redundancy was
the topic of conversation at that morning tea.
What
focused their minds on the issue of men's rights was the fact that 79 of
the 80 staff who had been made redundant so far were men! Furthermore,
they noticed that 48 of the 52 who were to be made redundant in the current
redundancy round were men!! "Not surprisingly, as men. we found this rather
concerning," said Tom.
Four
years previously, when the female Principal took over from her male predecessor,
the Open Polytechnic employed few women. Only 20% of the staff were women,
as the subjects taught were mainly male-dominated trade subjects.
Now,
according to Tom, the latest redundancy round would turn male staff into
a minority on campus. Most of the powerful management positions were held,
or were about to be held by women.
Since
men were about to become a minority in the staffroom, the Men's Network
decided to ask for the privileges that the Women's Network had long enjoyed.
These privileges had been instituted under the Open Polytechnic's Equal
Employment Opportunities policy.
The
Women's Network had a noticeboard for its own exclusive use. Now the Men's
Network demanded the right to take it over. Tom pointed out that the idea
for a Men's Network was largely tongue-in-cheek when it started. But it
got more serious once the members started delving more deeply into the
insitution's Equal Employment Opportunites operation.
They
learned that groups with official status under the Equal Employment Opportunites
policy had monthly meetings. These meetings were half in paid time. Since
the campus was split between several sites, the institution paid the monthly
taxi fares of network members who had to travel to the main campus for
these meetings. Obviously, these subsidies came from the same source which
used to pay the salaries of the men who had been made redundant.
These
subsidies were not only substantial -- they were also sometimes used for
dubious purposes. For example, the May 1994 Women's Network meeting was
held for the purpose of watching slides on Africa provided by a travel
consultant! And in 1993 the Open Polytechnic's EEO programme funded an
ethnic food festival.
The
issue of toilets also cropped up. This is an interesting one, as one of
New Zealand's most radically Feminist Members of Parliament, Marilyn Waring,
made a big issue of the lack of female toilets in Parliament Buildings.
On
the floor of the secondary campus where Tom Dowling worked, the only toilet
was a women's toilet, despite women being a minority on that floor. Male
staff had to go down to the next floor, which was leased by another organisation,
to use a male toilet.
Furthermore,
the male toilet was smelly, and fitted out like a public toilet. The women's
toilet, on the other hand, was very plush, and fitted with an extractor-fan
and air-freshener. The toilet situation was similar on the other secondary
polytechnic campus.
So
men's issues do exist in the employment area of social life -- but they
seldom get any publicity or any pro-men action carried out on them.
3. False Statistics
EEO
and Affirmative Action policies are often lies, to the extent that they
are based on distorted statistics. The vigour with which these policies
are implemented is often linked to the severity of the problem that is
perceived to exist. And it is Feminst researchers, by and large, who produce
the statistics which are supposed to show how big the probelm really is.
An
official government report[2], for example, states:
"There
has been little movement towards gender equity in the teaching service
in the past three years.... Fewer women than men held senior positions,
particularly in primary schools. Furthermore, they received, on average,
lower salaries than did their male colleagues in equivalent positions or
with the same qualifications" (page 1, second paragraph).
This
passage was obviously intended by the two female authors to create the
impression that there was some problem to be solved here. The leaflet is
studded with words such as "imbalance", "underrepresentation", and so on.
However, the fact is that the leaflet does not take account of -- or even
mention -- length of service!! Payscales in the teaching service are based
on a system of annual stepwise progression up a payscale -- from a starting-point
that is determined by qualifications, to a maximum that you can't progress
beyond without applying for promotion.
The
leaflet itself mentions, at the end, the fact that more women than men
left the teaching service (temporarily or permanently), and it is obvious
that chilbirth and childcare must have been among the reasons for this.
Yet the leaflet does not investigate, or even mention the likelihood that
the reason women have lower salaries than men with the same qualifications
is that they have shorter total careers than men. Because they have shorter
careers, they progress less far up the payscale ladder, and they are less
likely to apply for, or achieve promotion.
This
is totally obvious, though it may not, of course, account statistically
for all the difference between men's and women's salaries in the
teaching service. This leaflet conveys a misleading impression, and the
authors must have been incompetent or intentionally fraudulent in their
actions. I wrote to the Minister of Education about this and the reply
I got did not challenge my main point at all. While there exists a Feminist
research industry and no Masculist research industry to balance it, this
sort of distortion is likely to go unchallenged and result in administrative
and political change of an anti-male nature.
Men
work for and earn more money than women do, but it is well-known in Men's
Rights circles that women control more than 65% of US personal wealth,
and spend four consumer dollars for every consumer dollar that men spend.
The personal wealth is controlled mainly by women because women live longer
than men and inherit their wealth at the point in their life when they
are likely to be at their richest -- young men, of course, are usually
relatively poor at the start of their careers. Women also get wealth from
men through alimony, palimony, and child-support payments. I haven't yet
found the source for thoese statistics, though.
4. Sexual Harassment
Sexual
harassment regulations are a case in point. In some cases, these seem to
have been devised by Lesbian Feminists who really would prefer to have
nothing to do with men at all! It is generally the case that men take the
initiative in sexual relationships, with all the attendant risks of rejection.
This means that men, on the whole, must be more open about their sexual
feelings -- or end up with no sexual partner. Heterosexual women tend,
on the whole, to be more passive, and are less overt about their sexual
feelings, since they can afford to wait until a man makes the first move.
So
sexual harassment regulations, by punishing natural male sexual behaviours,
while rewarding natural female passivity, amount to a serious form of oppression
of men. Men, by acting naturally, can have their careers blighted -- whereas
women, by acting naturally, are defined as model employees, as far as sexual
harassment regulations are concerned.
Sexual
harassment regulations can even have an anti-male bias written into them.
For example, one workplace leaflet on sexual harassment that I have seen
lists "looking down shirts or up skirts" as a form of sexual harassment
-- but does not place any restriction on women dressing in a way that produces
gaps in their blouses, or skirts that allow vast amounts of leg or even
underwear to be seen, depending on the position of the wearer. This puts
the woman in the position of being officially blameless, while the man
is put into the position of being forced to avert his eyes or run the risk
of beiung accused of sexual harassment.
This
is not just a hypothetical possibility. One man working at the above workplace
had experiences of women exposing parts of their breasts, legs and underwear
-- both before and after these regulations were introduced. Some of the
women doing this were his superiors, and some worked in constant proximity
to him. Some appeared to do it for sexual reasons, and others because they
were aggressive Feminists who wanted to exploit the above loophole in the
sexual harassment regulations.
The
National Association of Scholars, in America, placed an advertisement in
the March 1994 edition of the "American Spectator". This ad was a policy
statement on sexual harassment and academic freedom. I won't go into it
in detail today, but two of the most important points it makes are:
1. |
Institutions
should define sexual harassment precisely, confining it to individual behaviour
that is manifestly sexual and that clearly violates the rights of others;
|
2. |
Institutions
should punish those who knowingly lodge false accusations of harassment. |
These
two points aim to make it difficult for women (in particular) to turn just
any trivial incident into a sexual harassment complaint -- and also to
make it hard to use sexual harassment complaints as a way of victimising
people who have unpopular opinions.
5. Sports Apartheid
Where
is the slogan "Women Can Do Anything" in sport?
Professional
and semi-professional sportswomen receive far more prize-money and publicity
than they equitably deserve -- given that their performances are (in most
sports) of a much lower standard than those of men. For example, in Iron
Man and triathlon events, and the like, publicity is given to the male
winners (and perhaps the second and third men home), and then to the first
one-to-three women to cross the finish-line, even though the women may
have come in much later than the leading men.
Not
only does this discriminate against all the other men who may have come
in ahead of the leading women, but all mention of the comparative times
of the leading men and the leading women are sometimes censored out --
in order to hide the fact that women CAN'T do just anything.
In
October 1993, there was a combination running-and-mountain-bike race in
Dunedin, New Zealand. Both men and women competed, but the women were given
a 20-minute head-start. As one of the leading male contenders pointed out,
this was highly sexist. If a woman, benefitting from her head-start, had
come in first, she would have got exactly the same amount of prize-money
as a male winner, despite his 20-minute handicap, would have got.
As
it happens, the best men took about 30 minutes less time than the leading
women to cover the course, so it was a man who took the winner's purse.
But in future years the pressure will no doubt be on the organisers to
raise the handicap to 30 minutes, or so. So next year we could have the
sexist farce of a woman picking up the winner's purse for achieving a result
about 30 minutes worse that the leading man.
If
sportswomen who perform less well than the best sportsmen in certain sports
are to get the same level of publicity and sponsorship as the best sportsmen,
then so should the best junior sportsmen and sportswomen, the best disabled
sportsmen and sportswomen, the best veteran sportsmen and sportwomen, and
so on.
Wherever
there used to be sexual segregation in society that Feminists did not like,
it was called "sexist" and abolished. But female athletes would be shown
up for what they really are, if there was open competition with men, so
none of the Feminists have been jumping up and down demanding an end to
double standards on this issue!
A
similar situation is present in other sports, such as tennis and golf,
as Bertels (1981) points out. Professional women tennis-players play three-set
tennis, while their male colleagues often have to play five-set tennis
championships. The calibre of women's tennis is also lower -- yet the women
players seldom miss an opportunity to demand equal purses with men! In
golf, the women's tee is closer to the green than the men's tee is -- despite
the obvious inequality involved. Again, no Feminists have ever complained
about this sort of inequity, to my knowledge!
Thomas
(1993) also points out that at Wimbledon, for example, female prize-money
is within 10% of male prize-money, and women players such as Monica Seles
are demanding 100% parity in prize-money. Yet, as the male player Pat Cash
pointed out some years ago, women are not only not as good at tennis as
men (and no woman has denied this or attempted to disprove it), but they
also work less hard for their money.
According
to Thomas (1993), the BBC's radio commentator, Barbara Potter (a former
professional tennis player), has estimated that only 50% of professional
women tennis players are fully fit. The men are much fitter, as they play
on a much more competitive circuit.
When
Steffi Graf won (the women's) Wimbledon singles title in 1991, she had
to play only 128 games to win her prize money of Stg. 216,000. Michael
Stich, the men's 1991 Wimbledon champion, had to play all of 257 games
for his prize money of Stg. 240,000. This works out at Stg. 933.85 per
game paid to Stich, and almost twice as much per game, Stg. 1,687.50, being
paid to Graf.
Thomas
(1993) points out that women players can't argue for equal prize-money
on the grounds of the amount of revenue they generate, either. On British
television, for example, the BBC had 8.1 million viewers for the 1991 Wimbledon
men's final -- but only 7.0 million viewers for the women's final. And
the black market prices for Wimbledon centre court tickets for the men's
final were Stg. 650-900 for the men's final and only Stg. 300-450 for the
women's final.
The
money paid to female tennis-players must be coming from somewhere. It must
be coming from the same sources that produce the money paid to male tennis-players.
Female players are being paid more, relative to the income they actually
generate, than male players are. If female players were paid purely in
proportion to their economic value, then more money would be available
to spend on prizes for male players. So male professionals are in effect
subsidising their female counterparts!
Since
Feminists favour Equal Employment Opportunity and oppose separate men's
clubs, the sexual apartheid system in all non-contact sports should be
abolished, e.g. female tennis players should play in the same competition
as men players -- for the same prizes. The alternative is to enshrine sexual
segregation in some areas of social and sporting life in legislation, with
payments for sportsmen being set substantially higher than those paid to
sportswomen -- to reflect the different objective standards involved.
It
is highly unfair for men and women to be treated equally in areas of employment
where it suits women for them to be treated equally -- and then to be treated
unequally whenever it suits women for the treatment to be unequal!
6. Double Standards
There
are no longer any minimum height requirements for police recruits in countries
such as New Zealand, but there used to be. At that time, I wrote to Police
Headquarters about them, and it is illuminating to see the kind of reasoning
the Police used. They suggested that men and women should be looked at
separately, for recruitment purposes, because it is "a well-established
fact" that men are, on average, taller than women. Proportionately, they
argued, it would discriminate against women to set the same maximum height
standards for them as for men.
Presumably,
the same argument would be used to justify the separate physical entry
standards for male and female police recruits under the current regime.
But this "proportional" argument does not hold up to scrutiny, especially
as it is never brought up when men are the ones who would benefit (because
men have few pressure-groups, and thus noone to put their case).
How
about areas such as the real estate industry, where women are sometimes
considered to have better relevant people skills than men, on the whole.
How about saying that the industry should aim to employ more men who had
less developed people skills -- because it would discriminate against men
to set the same people skills standards for them as for women! That argument
is never use when it benefits men -- here people would say that the best
person for the job should get the job. Then why don't they say that for
the Police? I would think that a competent police force is much more vital
to Society's welfare than a competent real estate industry!
When
Feminism-related jobs are advertised (in the Ministry of Women's Affairs,
or Equal Employment Opportunities positions, etc.), one of the criteria
is usually "an interest in sexual equality issues", or some such phrase.
Proportionately, many more women than men meet this criterion, but noone
ever says that the Ministry of Women's Affairs should lower their standards
on this in order to be fair, proportionately, to men!
Here's
another example: it is also a "well-established fact" that it is very much
more difficult for a woman, or even a group of women, to rape a man than
for a man, or group of men to rape a woman. Does anyone ever argue that
penalties for men who rape women should be lowered in order to be proportionately
fair to men?
The
fact is that Society applies a double standard to men and women, under
the pressure applied by Feminist lobby-groups.
Moreover,
the purpose of the Police Force is to carry out a job, not to bend to the
dictates of Feminists. Will a burly criminal stop carrying out a violent
crime when he sees a short (and probably weak) female police officer? Will
that criminal be intimidated by the Feminist logic of "proportional fairness"?
I am a taxpayer and a citizen, and I don't see why I should put up with
the streets becoming even more dangerous because the Police Force, like
everyone else, is being bullied by Feminists.
In
addition, if we have double standards for men and women, then, logically,
we're going to have to have different standards for ethnic or other groups
whose average physical characteristics differ from the average for the
population as a whole. I have no statistics on this issue, but it seems
to me that some ethnic groups, such as Samoans, may well perform better
on such tests than the average, and other ethnic groups, such as East Asians,
may perform worse.
Then
there are disabled people. Logically, if we are going to have different
physical standards for men and women, then we should have different standards
for the physically and intellectually disabled, who should also be entitled
to become Police Officers.
I
wrote to the Minister of Police and got a copy of their old and new entry
standards for recruits, because of the sexist double-standard. I really
couldn't believe my eyes! As I already knew, the 1990 version had explicitly
different standards for men and women, in that men of all ages had less
time to complete the physical tasks than women of comparable ages.
But
in 1993 a Review of the Entry Standards for Police Recruits was completed.
It said that the previous test "had different requirements for men and
women and under the Human Rights legislation this is no longer acceptable."
So they changed the screening process. Fair enough, you might think!
Imagine
my suprise when I saw that the new regulations ALSO had different standards
for men and women! All that had really changed was that there was an additional
level of Grades/Marks (from 0 to 3) which the performance scores were translated
into. The translation formula was what was different for men and women.
So
a man and a woman might both get a 3 ("good") for the vertical jump, for
example, but a man would have to reach 48 or more cms., whereas a woman
would only have to reach 40 cms., and so on for the various activities!
Obviously,
they have had their lawyers onto the case, and have figured out a way to
retain the double standard without breaching the letter of the new Human
Right legislation! Talk about Equal Employment Opportunities! Think of
all the male police recruits who will be failed because they can only do
as well as a woman who passed!
7. Housework
The
proposal that housework should attract a wage is an interesting and important
issue in Sexual Politics. It is one of the few major Feminist policy planks
which have so far avoided being implemented in any country (to my knowledge).
The main reason for this is probably that even some Feminists do not think
it is a good idea.
I
once heard a radio interview of an official of the New Zealand Ministry
of Women's Affairs on this issue. It was enlightening, because it emerged
that the Ministry was not in favour of a wage for housework/child upbringing.
For the same reason, the Ministry wanted to retain features of the tax
system that favoured working couples over single-income families.
At
time of writing, one person earning, say, NZ$ 40,000 pays more tax in New
Zealand than does a working couple, where the partners earn NZ$ 20,000
each. Low income earners attract rebates, irrespective of their partner's
income, or lack of income. Income earners are taxed in their own right
-- the family is no longer a taxation unit, and the number of dependents
is no longer relevant to the amount of tax a person pays.
The
reason given for this stance by the Ministry of Women's Affairs was that,
in two-income families at present, part of the combined parental income
often has to be spent on child-care and/or home help (i.e. on the work
that one parent would otherwise be staying at home to do). Or the housework/child-care
is wholly or partly carried out by the parents in addition to their work-commitments.
So
the Ministry of Women's Affairs took the line that it was unfair to pay
someone to stay at home and do something full-time, which working couples
had to do for nothing, or which they had to get done at an actual financial
cost to themselves.
There
is an obvious Feminist value-judgement here: encouraging both partners
to get jobs is rated as more important than housework and bringing up a
family. Small wonder that the nuclear family has dissolved into one-parent
families, with all the attendant social evils and crime.
Barbara
Andolsen's article, "A Woman's Work is Never Done", in Andolsen et al.
(eds.) (1985), deals with the related issue of households where both the
man and the woman work, but the woman still does the lion's (lioness's
?) share of the housework. She argues that justice requires that men and
women in such households should share the housework equally.
In
Western countries, it is obvious that a far greater percentage of women
are working full-time or part-time outside the home than was the case before
the Second World War. Andolsen (op.cit.) recites the following statistics:
"By
1983 fifty-two percent of all wives were working for wages. Almost two-thirds
of all women with children ages six to seventeen were working for
wages. Fifty percent of mothers with children under six were working outside
the home (an increase of seventeen percent in one decade.) More than three-quarters
of all divorced mothers are in the labor force. American households in
which a wage-earning husband supports a nonwage- earning wife -- a wife
presumable devoting her energies to household maintenance -- are now a
dwindling minority among families." (page 4)
In
passing, I think it worth pointing out that the same period might well
furnish a Masculist researcher with other, arguably related statistics:
a rise in sales of books by Feminists, a rising divorce-rate, a rising
truancy-rate, a rising drug-dependency rate, and a rising crime rate.
One
could speculate that increasing numbers of Feminist books (together with
improved birth-control methods) persuaded increasing numbers of married
women to enter the workforce and leave their husbands (not necessarily
in that order). The increasing number of two-income and one-parent families
led to increased truancy, drug-dependency, and crime among their neglected
children.
It
is quite clear that Feminism (of whatever kind) has tended to destabilise
the traditional family -- in that it has caused many women to become dissatisfied
(or to be brought up already dissatisfied) with the traditional nuclear
family, where the husband in the sole bread-winner and also titular "head
of the household".
Husbands,
or potential husbands, had to either conform to a changing role in the
family, or opt for celibacy or separation (if already in a relationship).
Feminism (particularly Radical Feminism) has also tended to romanticise
financial and emotional independence from men as an ideal for women to
aspire towards.
Be
that as it may, the fact seems to be that working couples do not share
the housework equally: working husbands with working wives only do, on
average, up to about twenty-five percent of what Andolsen calls the "more
pleasant" of the household tasks, such as social or educational care of
children, food-preparation, and food-clean-up.
This
is probably true, but it does not tell the whole story: what about the
more traditionally male chores, such as sports-coaching, gardening, car
maintenance, and home-handyman-type work? This type of chore traditionally
takes up a lot of the working man's spare time, and it is not included
in Feminist surveys. Farrell (1993) reports two US studies that showed
that men did more work than women, if you include housework, commuting,
repairs, work in the garden, and so on.
Some
account must also be taken of the fact that the husband is more likely
to work in excess of the minimum hours at his job -- either physically
at the workplace, or at home. As more men than women occupy senior positions,
this latter scenario is more likely to apply to them than to women. It
should also be noted that one reason more men than women occupy senior
positions is that women often spend a large part of their adult life caring
for their children. This means that they have a career which is, on average,
shorter than that of the average man.
Andolsen
is aware of this, but her response is to propose that employers stop requiring
their ambitious employees to work these long hours! That is surely unrealistic.
Not only is this stance unrealistic, but it is evidence that Andolsen has
raised the notion of shared housework to the status of an ideal for its
own sake -- it is not really so much a matter of ethics or equity after
all.
And,
of course, in any emergency involving danger (whether local and personal,
civil, or military), it is the men, rather than women, who are expected
to run the risks. I feel that any laziness men might exhibit around the
house is a fair trade-off against the danger they might at any time be
called upon to subject themselves to.
How
can we quantify this? The problem is an actuarial one. Insurance companies
(I assume) calculate their premiums on the basis of statistics as to the
likelihood of the event they are insuring against. They also have to build
in their overheads and a profit margin, of course.
If
we picture the family as a socio-economic unit, then the typical adult
male(s) is/are providing protection on a non-profit basis. We can also
ignore the question of overheads, in this case. They provide protection
from potential burglars, rapists, etc., and they do this just by their
physical presence. Sometimes they actually have to confront such criminals,
but often a criminal will avoid entering a house just because an adult
male is obviously resident.
Men
are also liable to be conscripted in wartime to pursue the military aims
of the nation as a whole. These may be purely defensive, or they may be
based on the theory that "the best defense is attack."
It
should be perfectly possible to quantify these risks, and to quantify the
value of housework, based on rates of pay for Home Help. On this basis,
it should be possible to quantify how much, or how little housework the
average adult male should equitably do.
Feminism
has also brought up the issue of housework as a constant background irritation
in marriages. If the wife didn't work, then it wouldn't be an issue. But
Feminism has taught women that it is better to get a job outside the home
than to do a good job of looking after your children.
Once
they are working, women don't always see why they should also do the lion's
share of the housework -- and I can see their point. On the other hand,
maybe the husband would prefer her to stay home and do the housework and
childcare. Why should he then shoulder extra burdens created by his wife's
selfish or materialistic decision?
A
relationship works best if it is based on complementarity. It does not
work well if it is based on competition. A marriage of two people of similar
personalities does not work as well as one where the personalities of the
spouses complement each other.
Likewise
with roles. The best thing about the old-fashioned philosophy that "A woman's
place is in the home" was that husband and wife had distinct, well-defined,
and complementary roles in the socio-economic system of the family. If
both are working, then they are to some extent competitors. Of course,
complementarity also results if the wife works and the husband is a househusband.
But this is relatively less common.
Having
a job of her own makes it more likely that the wife will feel like leaving
her husband. Every relationship goes through stresses and strains. The
social and legal climate helps to determine how much a couple will put
up with before they separate or divorce.
8. Military Service and Conscription
Farrell
(1993) states the military service issue in graphic terms:
"ITEM.
Imagine: Music is playing on your car radio. An announcer's voice interrupts:'We
have a special bulletin from the president.'... The president announces,
'Since 1.2 million American men have been killed in war, as part of my
new program for equality, we will draft only women until 1.2 million American
women have been killed in war.'" (op. cit. page 28)
Wars
have always involved civilian casualties, but most of the casualties have
always involved soldiers. And soldiers have always been mainly men. So
I think it is worthwhile proposing Farrel's imaginary scenario as a political
proposal. At least it shows Feminists up for the hypocrites that they are
-- not interested in real equality.
As
a bare minimum, Liberal Masculists might say, the drafting of women as
front-line troops should occur on exactly the same basis as that of men
(whether in war or peace). Increased use of military technology has indeed
reduced the importance of men's greater upper-body strength and hormonal
characteristics in war, as much of the action is now long-distance. Even
infantry warfare involves little upper-body strength.
However,
this is more a moral issue, as far as some Masculists is concerned, rather
than just being a practical one. The argument would still be a strong one
in the absence of sophisticated military hardware.
Conservative
Masculists, however, still prefer the traditional division of labour. This
means that only men should get conscripted into the front line, but they
should receive some special treatment in return. This treatment might involve
men being treated as head of the household in law, for example. It might
even be used as an argument for women not having the vote. After all, why
should women elect governments that can declare war, when women don't share
equally in the dangers that war involves?
Some
Feminists appear to be in favour of front-line positions being open to
those women who volunteer to take this up as an occupation. I agree with
this. However, Feminists don't seem to like the idea of women being compelled
to undertake such dangerous and unpleasant duties. At least, I have never
seen or heard any Feminist propose this course of action.
Of
course, many men are against this idea, as well -- as I mentioned above.
But Feminists have never taken any notice of what men thought, if it stood
in the way of something that conferred an advantage on women. So Feminists
are being hypocritical if they use this reluctance on the part of men as
something they can hide behind. The fact that some men disagree (whether
from chivalry, or for some other reason) is not a legitimate argument in
this case.
The
Men's Manifesto (Doyle 1992) mentions that Feminists had made a serious
demand for a statue of a "combat woman" to be errected at the Vietnam War
Memorial in the United States. This was intended to memorialize specially
and separately the eight (8) American women who died in that war. The existing
memmorial would then be shared only by the 58,000 American men who died
there.
This
total lack of compassion, gratitude and sense of proportion by the Feminists
is absolutely typical. Feminists feel guilty about all the sacrifices men
have made in wartime on behalf of women and children, and they know it
is one of the weakest points of the Feminist case. This leads them to attempt
to raise such activities as nursing (even if there were no casualties at
all) to the same level as front-line infantry fighting (with horrific casualties
and psychological suffering).
9. The Sexual Division of Labour
One
of the main targets of Feminist anger has been the fact that, traditionally,
more men than women have held full-time jobs. In addition, even when women
started to enter the work-force in large numbers, occupations tended to
be sexually segregated, being either predominantly male or predominantly
female. Moreover, many (though not all) of the predominantly male occupations
have tended to be the best-paid ones.
In
his introduction to Tiger (1984), Desmond Morris gives the following as
the historical cause of this phenomenon:
"When
our ancient ancestors switched to hunting as a way of life, the relationship
between males and females was dramatically altered. Females, with their
heavy reproductive burden, were unable to play a major role in this new
feeding pattern, which had become so vital for survival. A much greater
division of labour between the sexes arose. The males became specialized
for the chase. They became more athletic and they spent long periods of
time away from the tribal home base, in pursuit of prey."
To
get this into perspective, it is worth noting that most humans were hunter-gatherers
until about 5,000 years ago -- i.e. for about 99 percent of our existence
as a species. This is not to say that the hunting (carried out by the men)
was economically more important than the gathering, which was carried out
primarily by the women. The women gathered the food for the basic diet,
and what the men brought back from the hunt was the "icing on the cake",
as it were. Meat was important as a source of protein. However, to say
that hunting was the original cause of the division of labour does not
amount to a claim that what men did was more important than what women
did.
As
Tiger (1970) emphasizes, the claim that there was originally a very good
reason for the sexual division of labour is not the same as saying that
it must be perpetuated, or that it cannot be reversed in the present or
future. Nevertheless, Morris and Tiger do talk in terms of genetic changes
resulting from natural selection. They are Biologists, as well as Social
Scientists, and they base their work on that of Ethologists such as Konrad
Lorenz, George Schaller, and Jane Goodall.
Such
scientists discovered a lot about the complexity of animal (especially
primate) social behaviour. Moreover, they are also in a position to start
puzzling out how these patterns of behaviour can be genetically transmitted
and selected for, or selected out, just like any physical characteristic.
Thus
what they claim about "human nature" has a semi-permanent ring about it.
Natural selection operates over a large time-scale. And species have so
far never been able or willing consciously to determine the overall course
of genetic development within their own species.
So
it is easy to see how this book upset many Feminists. Feminists, after
all, are keen to bring about social change, i.e. change resulting from
conscious administrative and legal reforms which take place on the time-scale
of a generation, or thereabouts.
They
would not be happy to hear someone claim, in effect, that the male closed
shop in the best-paid, full-time employment sectors reflects reality on
the genetic level. This would mean that it could not be changed for thousands
of years, and that no amount of pressure from Feminist groups would change
it. Any change would have to result from impersonal, intangible selective
pressures.
Academic
works by people like Lionel Tiger (and also those written by Feminists)
may claim to be merely descriptive of what the authors observe. But there
is a feedback-loop between description and behaviour in the social sciences.
As soon as an academic popularises the fact that certain previously obscure
facts do occur, there is a tendency for prejudices against them to be diminished,
and for the events in question to occur more frequently. Thus what started
off as a ³descriptive± account ends up as something more prescriptive
-- an indication of what should or (at least) could take place without
being ethically wrong.
The
attitudes of the author or researcher in such situations need to be considered
as well. It is not realistic to assume that academics pursue their work
in a purely objective frame of mind. If a Sociolinguist, for example, undertakes
a lengthy study of a stigmatized word (such as "aint" is, or used to be),
then two things are certain:
1) |
They
would not be devoting all that time to that topic if they firmly believed
that the word ( e.g. "aint") was "bad English", "bad Arabic", or whatever,
and should never be used by educated people. In other words, the research
topic selects the researcher, to some extent;
|
2) |
Once
the research results were published, showing that the use of "aint" was
not random, but had just as structured a place in its own linguistics and
sociolinguistic context as any word did, then the taboos against the use
of that word would inevitably be weakened, and it could start being used
in "polite society" to a greater degree than before. Ironically, the same
researcher could then go back a few years later, do some follow-up research,
and find that the previously taboo word was now no longer so taboo (though
they might not realise that their own research was part of the cause of
this change!)
|
This
is why Feminists reacted so strongly against Lionel Tiger's book. Once
it becomes known that bonding within male groups is "natural" and has specific
functions, it becomes less likely that men will feel guilty about belonging
to male-only organisations. The less guilty they feel, the less likely
they are to bow to Feminist pressure to admit women members. Men will also
feel less guilty about working in male-only occupations.
Most
Feminist meetings, "consciousness-raising" sessions, etc. exclude men.
This is because the hard-liners can push their line more effectively if
there are no men there to defend themselves (or for some women to empathize
with). "Those who are absent are always in the wrong," as the French proverb
goes. Men can thus be convicted of all sorts of "crimes" without being
able to defend themselves.
Conversely,
this is also why women want to desegregate all male-only institutions:
a male point of view, such as Masculism, can develop most freely in a male-only
environment.
When
research is undertaken in the area of "Women's Studies", too, it can be
confidently assumed that anyone devoting their research energies to this
area has some emotional stake in the issues involved. And once the results
of the research have been published, public attitudes towards the phenomena
described in the research will probably undergo some change -- presumably
in the direction desired by the author. This is why the very existence
of "Women's Studies" Departments in universities, and of Ministries of
"Women's Affairs" in governments is itself full of political implications.
Desmond
Morris obviously considers that natural selection has favoured societies
with male bonding as part of their social organisation, and that the consequences
are binding on us genetically to this day.
"His
comments are particularly valuable at a time when attempts are being made
to minimize the difference between the sexes. A misguided but vociferous
minority is campaigning to conceal human gender differences and to obscure
the evolutionary truth about our species. This unisexual philosophy seeks
to distort the facts as part of an otherwise laudable assault on the unjustifiable
exploitation and subjugation of modern woman." (op.cit.)
One
of the central themes of Tiger (1984) is that "differences between males
and females, as whole groups, are not solely restricted to discernible
physical ones and those specifically reproductive operations related to
them." Take hormones, for example -- they differ as between males and females.
They also affect moods and emotions. Even if hormones can be called "physical",
the moods and emotions are certainly not.
Once
a Feminist has admitted that men and women differ psychologically (if only
because of hormones), it becomes very hard for her (try as she might) to
deny that there are other psychological differences between men and women.
These psychological differences are what make "equality" (in the sense
of identical treatment) hard to argue for in theory, or to achieve in practice.
From
a natural selection point of view, in highly competitive situations, some
types of social organisation would tend to be more successful than others.
Other things being equal, the most successful societies would be those
whose cultures "went with the flow" of the physical, metabolic, psychological,
and behavioural differences between men and women.
The
least successful societies (perhaps including those small, isolated communities
belatedly discovered and popularised in the media by anthropologists) would,
other things being equal, be those which went against the grain of gender
differences. In the kind of world we live in now, the selective pressures
may well be very different from those faced, say, by hunter-gatherers in
the jungle. Therefore, evolution may not favour male-only groups in the
future -- even if it did in the past.
It
seems to me that societies which undergo the kinds of social changes that
rampant Feminism facilitates may eventually collapse under the strain of
the results of these changes:
"It
seems inescapable that one concrete outcome of this is a widespread pattern
of relatively late marriage, delayed childbearing, if any, and then smaller
families than before in the major industrial economies.... Since we know
that children of small families have small or smaller families themselves,
this seems like a continuously persisting trend. In addition, the proportion
of men and women who are unmarried has been rising ..., and presumable
related to this is a deep decline in birth rates in industrial economies
such that on balance it is below replacement." (Tiger 1984, Preface)
One
of the striking features of the black ghettoes of America's cities is the
high proportion of solo mothers there. It is a truism that solo mothers
have trouble controlling their teenage sons. And it is precisely these
ghettoes that have the lowest educational levels, the most poverty, the
most crime, the most drug abuse, the most alienation from the police and
the Establishment as a whole -- as well as the greatest propensity to produce
riots.
Feminism
alone cannot be blamed for the decline of the two-parent family, but it
is certainly partly responsible for it. It is a question of societal goals:
if the main aim is materialistic, then bringing up children takes second
place. In that context, it makes sense for women to consider not marrying
and/or to delay or avoid having children, and for both parents to work.
However,
if the main societal aim is to bring up each succeeding generation in a
stable and secure environment, then the parents have to make sacrifices.
Unless there are communal or extended-family child-care options, one parent
(usually the mother) has to stay home, being a housewife has to be restored
to its previous high status as an occupation, divorce has to be socially
stigmatized, and the employed parent (usually the father) has to be legally
liable for the upkeep of the non-employed partner and children.
10. Other Employment Issues
As
Thomas (1993) points out, it is very illuminating to compare the situation
of professional tennis-players with that of professional models. Fees for
male models are much less than those paid to female models, as men generally
provide a much smaller market for cosmetics and fashionable clothes than
women do.
In
this area, unlike professional tennis, the economics of the situation dictate
the respective incomes of male and female professionals. In tennis, as
we saw above, politicl pressure has been applied by Feminists, with the
result that top female tennis professionals now receive 90% of the income
that top male professionals earn. We have seen how the females expend less
effort than the males to earn this income, and how female professional
tennis generates much less income than does male professional tennis.
While
the top female models have annual earnings in the millions of dollars,
the top male models have annual earnings in the mere tens of thousands
-- one hundredth of the female figure! There is a great and obvious inequity
in this situation. Men should demand that either male models earn 90% of
what female models earn, or female professional tennis-players go back
to earning what they are actually worth in economic terms.
According
to an article in the London "Independent" newspaper, about some research
by Dr. Tessa Pollard of Oxford University, men and women, in supposedly
equally demanding jobs, reported (subjectively) equal amounts of work stress.
However, objectively, men had higher adrenalin levels (showing higher stress)
than the women.
The
researcher apparently concluded that women's hormones protected women from
adrenalin surges, and this may be why men have higher levels of heart disease
than women.
Now
this may be partly correct (I don't know). But another factor that should
be taken into account is interpersonal relations in the context of Feminist
propaganda. I don't know if stress resulting from interpersonal relations
was taken into account in the study (I doubt it), but it seems to me that
men in the modern workplace are subject to much more stress from this source
than women are.
The
Feminist cops-and-robbers scenario has women as the "good guys" and men
as the "bad guys", which means that any adjustments necessary as a result
of more and more women invading the workplace have had to be made by the
men. Women are the modern Madonna (in more senses than one). And chivalry
is alive and well, and allied with Feminism in an anti-male conspiracy.
In
connection with this, I'd also like to cite a snippet from the "Liberator"
newsletter (March 1995), which reports that men in an all-male work environment
show the strongest commitment to their jobs, and their commitment declines
as the percentage of women in their work group rises. This report summarises
research by Anne S. Tsui of the University of California at Irvine.
There
may well be a connection between the two research result, along the lines
I have suggested. I'd like to encourage those researchers with time and
money to follow up this line of inquiry.
2002
Version
CHAPTER
5
EMPLOYMENT
ISSUES AND THE "WOMEN CAN DO ANYTHING" LIE
News
Item
Barry
Ceminchuk ... has sued the President of the United States and the Secretary
of Defense for employment discrimination against him and all men.[1]
Introduction
There
are jobs in which women have gained an unfair advantage over men -- others
where women already had an advantage -- and more where Feminists have leveraged
and exacerbated an already inequitable state of affairs. Three employment
sectors where men are disadvantaged are the police, modelling, and professional
sports. Why? Because men have to compete with women on a level playing
field when it suits women, but when it doesn't, women get special, preferential
treatment.
The
slogan "Women Can Do Anything", which has been popular in New Zealand,
was meant as a claim that women could do any job men could. In practice,
it became dogma that had to be proved, usually by applying a double standard.[2]
Thus, in the police force, men have to perform a physical test each year
in less time than the women. (In the U.S. this is called "gender norming.").
But no one imposes gender norming on criminals, so a gender-normed policewoman
is likely to be physically incompetent, when faced with the task of chasing
or fighting a male criminal. If the police could do a deal with the criminals,
whereby the crims wouldn't run too fast or fight too hard when confronted
by a mere policewoman, this sexist double-standard would perhaps start
to make sense.
Is
the return on our investment making the double standard worthwhile? Hardly.
According to an article in the Wellington Dominion newspaper of October
11th 1997, women don't stay in the New Zealand police force as long as
men do – only seven years, on average, as against 17 years for men – so
the investment in training a woman police officer is a relative waste of
taxpayers' money.
This
same double standard is applied in other fields. In professional sports,
golf has separate men's and women's tees. In professional tennis, the women
play "best of three sets" while men play "best of five sets" – for virtually
the same prize money.
Aren't
double standards supposed to be sexist? Not in this case, according to
University of Michigan law professor Catharine MacKinnon: "Why should you
have to be the same as a man to get what a man gets simply because he is
one?" (The Seattle Times, March 6, 1992) She argues that workplace performance
is judged by male standards based on male paradigms and this amounts to
discrimination when those standards are applied to women. Hence, employers
should not judge women by those standards.
In
the real world, this argument is incoherent. A job is not a right – it
is a means to provide economic resources for oneself, one's dependents,
and the community. Western men allowed women into the workforce on the
assumption they were just as good as men. At least, according to the Feminist
propaganda they were as good as men.
If
Feminists now say women are not, after all, as productive as men, and for
this reason need to be assessed by different standards, then they are in
effect arguing for women to get back to the kitchen! At least there they
would provide a service with high social utility paid for by the labour
of their menfolk, as used to be the case in western societies. No economy
is so rich and secure that it can afford to give priority to inefficient
workers when more efficient ones are available.
The
Feminist slogans "Women Can Do Anything" and "Girls Can Do Anything" are
lies. They are never applied fairly. But they are not truly intended as
statements of fact; in reality: they are devices, propaganda of the kind
common in totalitarian countries to overcome and conquer the truth, to
make something true that is obviously not true, to peddle a Big Lie. Remember
George Orwell (the author of "Animal Farm" and "1984")? He would recognize
the modern Feminist state as a totalitarian one.
The
main aim of Feminists in recent years has been to get more women into the
paid workforce and make life for them there as pleasant and as profitable
as possible no matter the price men have to pay for it. Feminists have
paid lip-service to the notions of "equality" and "equity" where this seemed
to be a useful tactic. But there have been no effective men's pressure-groups
to assure these standards were adhered to. Hence, unless some Feminist
group decides to make an issue of something nobody listens to calls for
equity. And this gives women an extremely unfair advantage.
Equal Employment Opportunities and Affirmative
Action kill men
Equal
Employment Opportunity (EEO) and Affirmative Action (AA) are examples of
Feminist-supported workplace policies, and these policies kill. Mainly,
they kill men (see below). And that's quite apart from the jobs they steal
from able men to squander on less qualified women.
This
may be hard to prove, since any two candidates for a given job may have
such different educational backgrounds and life experiences that it is
easy for a selection panel with a particular agenda (e.g., Affirmative
Action) to find some factors in the background of the applicants they can
use to rationalise their decision afterwards, if necessary. For example,
they could say their organisation lacked enough customer service staff
who had experience dealing with whining children; their preferred candidate
"just happened" to have such experience and they felt this would be more
useful for dealing with customers than extensive knowledge of the products,
services and industry. But we still need examples where such bias is obvious.
Feminists
have adamantly asserted that "women can do anything" and that men, as a
sex, cannot be considered more suitable than women for particular jobs.
So why is it okay to say women, as a sex, are more suited for particular
jobs? This is a glaring example of Feminists employing sexist standards
to advance their agenda, and it goes against everything they say they stand
for. If a job requires men to meet certain physical fitness criteria, it
should require all candidates to meet those same standards. If a female
candidate can meet those standards, under the principles of equal employment
opportunity she should get the same consideration any other equally qualified
male candidate would receive. But affirmative action has different priorities.
There
are obvious, apparent differences between the policies of EEO and AA The
term "Equal Employment Opportunity" implies there should be no barriers
based purely on race or sex to any person who aspires to a particular position.
"Affirmative Action," however, goes well beyond that. If removing barriers
to women and ethnic minorities, etc., does not result in their being employed
in every workplace and at every hierarchical level in proportion to their
presence in the population as a whole, then quotas need to be set to achieve
that result artificially and irrespective of the merits of the candidates
for the positions.
Each
government and workplace tends to interpret these two programmes differently,
depending on the political forces at work there. John Marcus of the National
Coalition of Free Men defines Affirmative Action as follows:
Current
policy of establishing hiring quotas, quotas for business contracts, quotas
for university admissions, providing some people, and not others, with
more favorable loan arrangements, preferential treatment in awarding broadcast
licenses and other favoritism based on race and gender. Favoritism is enforced
through government agencies. Affirmative action first became wide spread
during the Nixon administration (Republican). (www.ncfm.org/afiract.htm)
We
have to look at both sides of the ledger. Women may have been prevented
from doing certain things, but some of those things (which men were forced
to do) were unpleasant -- even dangerous. In pre-Feminist western societies,
there was an equal-but-different model of gender roles which emphasised
the fact that there are some things women can do better than men, and vice
versa.
Women can't do everything as well as men
When
women get pregnant or during menstruation and menopause, which don't have
precise male equivalents, women tend to function below par, intellectually
(see the medical research papers: Buckwalter JG; Stanczyk FZ; McCleary
CA; Bluestein BW; Buckwalter DK; Rankin KP; Chang L; Goodwin TM (1998)
and Keenan PA; Yaldoo DT; Stress ME; Fuerst DR; Ginsburg KA (1998)).
Certainly
they cannot sustain the kind of physical activity required by many jobs.
And pregnant women leave. They may come back, and in many jurisdictions
employers are required to hold position for them, but while they are gone
their coworkers must shoulder extra responsibilities, then bring them back
up to speed upon return. Hence, women can cost more and produce less than
men.
Moreover,
the Feminist lie puts people (mainly men) at risk when it allows women
into positions where they are not physically competent. Every time male
and female police officers patrol together, it is because a man was denied
the job (see below). The lie gave the job to a woman who performed less
well than he did in a physical test. So when those two police officers
patrol together, the man will sometimes be forced to protect the woman
because she can’t handle it. That happened in one particular case near
Wellington, New Zealand. Two unarmed police officers were injured – the
man much more severely than the woman – in an assault.
Employing
women as fire fighters also puts people in burning buildings at risk. They
may die solely because women lack the upper-body strength to move unconscious,
heavy people out of burning buildings by themselves. In the past, if two
firemen entered a burning building and saw two unconscious people, those
two people would be carried or dragged to safety. Now, if a male and a
female firefighter enter a burning building and find two unconscious people,
unless the male firefighter can return in time, the second of these victims
may die!
Nowadays,
some fire services have a policy whereby two firefighters are required
to move any incapacitated person at a fire scene. I believe that this policy
was brought in as a sop to physically incompetent women – so that their
physical incompetence would not stand out. The result is that some people
may be dying at fires, who would otherwise have been saved.
But
not all jobs require that kind of strength. What about those? EEO Policies
for men and women are a result of the relatively recent upsurge in numbers
of women in the paid workforce. This upsurge, in turn, was the result of:
1. |
the
increased mechanisation of the workplace, which reduced the importance
of physical strength;
|
2. |
an
increase in available labour-saving devices for the home, which gave women
more free time;
|
3. |
the
availability of safe and convenient methods of birth-control, which had
the same result;
|
4. |
pressure
from Feminists, who convinced generations of western women that it is nobler
to work in paid employment than as a traditional housewife;
|
5. |
the
deliberate provision of daycare, with the specific intention of encouraging
women to enter or reenter the paid workforce.
|
Research
has shown that daycare is detrimental to the psychological development
and socialisation of children. So Feminism extracts a price not just from
men and unborn children, but also from children, and the adults that they
will turn into. See http://ici2.umn.edu/ceed/publications/factfind/daycare.htm.
Feminists
have largely dictated the lines along which EEO policies were implemented.
They required male-only or mainly-male workplaces to conform to policies
designed to make it easier for women who wanted to work alongside men to
gain entry. Moreover, they do not care what policies men might need to
help them work alongside all these women! The only policies they look for
are those which force men to make the workplace and work easier for women.
The
New Zealand Human Rights Commission's Equal Employment Opportunities Manual
defines "Equal Employment Opportunities" as:
“A
systematic, results-oriented, set of actions that are directed towards
the identification and elimination of discriminatory barriers that cause
or perpetuate inequality in the employment of any person or group of persons.”
On
the surface, this appears to apply to “any person or group of persons”
without bias. Including men. There are at least three areas in society,
however, where it is men who are discriminated against by such barriers.
Is the Commission willing to address them? No, as the manual states:
Men
are not within the target groups (i.e., do not belong to an ethnic or other
official minority) and are not included for special consideration in the
manual. They have not been subjected in the same degree to the factors
which have limited the participation in employment of target group members.
In
other words, men don’t count.
Moreover,
this discrimination is exacerbated by Human Rights legislation which is
seldom written with men in mind, and the pervasive male chivalry which
applies sexist double standards that generally favour women. For example,
I was working in a female-dominated workplace when management brought in
an anti-sexual harassment policy. This policy was drafted by a committee
headed by an old-style Feminist woman in middle management. The new policy
gave examples of "sexual harassment," including "looking up skirts and
down dresses." Obviously this targets male and lesbian "offenders."
Immediately,
two middle-aged Feminist women whom I found unattractive took it upon themselves
to bend over and expose their bras and breasts to me (since I was well-known
as the one-and-only anti-Feminist activist). I regarded this as sexual
harassment, but the anti-sexual harassment policy made me out to be harassing
them unless I instantly averted my eyes! So I went to the only pro-male
member of the committee and complained about this, after which he managed
to get the policy amended so no sex-specific offences or examples were
mentioned. I am certain no other person there would have thought of or
dared to lift a finger to change that anti-male policy.
Image versus reality
All
the propaganda about EEO is putting pressure on organisations to hire and
promote women solely for the sake of hiring and promoting women. These
organisations worry about their image. Women spend much more money on consumption
than men, so this gives them power over retail firms and advertisers. In
the article, "Work-Day Dream" www.geocities.com/peterzohrab/199enslt.html#Dream
the
author writes:
“With
an hour to kill on my lunch break, I casually stroll through the brightly
lit corridors of the shopping mall. As I look around, it occurs to me that
I could easily spend the rest of my life without ever needing a good 95%
of the items sold in this place. Yet everywhere I look it's mostly women
snapping things up left right and center.”
Men
may be fired or made redundant to make space for women who are not be selected
on merit, but just because they are women. This is serious sex discrimination.
In
June 1994, the male staff at New Zealand's Open Polytechnic formed a Men's
Network. Its aim was to combat the "gender-cleansing" effects of the Equal
Employment Opportunities policy practised by that institution's female
Principal. Tom Dowling, coordinator of this network, said he had never
thought seriously about discrimination against men or about men's rights
until it became obvious men were being removed to make way for women. I
interviewed him for Wellington Access Radio's Men's Rights programme. He
told me it was an informal meeting at morning tea which crystallised the
issue for him and his male colleagues. The Open Polytechnic was in the
middle of the latest round of redundancies layoffs – the fifth such round
in four years. Redundancy was the topic of conversation at that morning
tea.
What
focused their minds on the issue of men's rights was that 79 of the 80
staff laid off so far had been men! Furthermore, they noticed that 48 of
the 52 who were about to be laid off were men. "Not surprisingly, as men.
we found this rather concerning," Dowling said.
Four
years previously, when the female Principal took over from her male predecessor,
the Open Polytechnic employed few women. Only 20 percent of the staff,
as the subjects taught were mainly male-dominated trade subjects. Now,
according to Tom, the latest redundancy round would turn male staff into
a minority on campus. Most of the powerful management positions were held,
or were about to be held by women. Since men were about to become a minority
in the staff-room, the Men's Network decided to ask for the privileges
the Women's Network had long enjoyed under the Open Polytechnic's Equal
Employment Opportunities policy.
The
Women's Network had a notice-board for its own exclusive use. Now the Men's
Network demanded the right to take it over. Tom pointed out that the idea
for a Men's Network was largely tongue-in-cheek when it started. But it
got more serious as the members began delving more deeply into the institution's
Equal Employment Opportunities operation.
They
learned groups with official status under the Equal Employment Opportunities
policy had monthly meetings. These meetings were half in paid time. Since
the campus was split between several sites, the institution paid the monthly
taxi fares of network members who had to travel to the main campus for
these meetings. Obviously, these subsidies came from the same source which
formely paid the salaries of the men who were laid off. These subsidies
were not only substantial, they were also sometimes used for dubious purposes.
For example, the May 1994 Women's Network meeting was held for the purpose
of watching slides on Africa provided by a travel consultant. And in 1993
the Open Polytechnic's EEO programme funded an ethnic food festival.
The
issue of toilets also cropped up. This is particularly interesting as one
of New Zealand's most radically Feminist members of Parliament, Marilyn
Waring, made a big issue of the lack of female toilets in Parliament Buildings.
On the floor of the secondary campus where Dowling worked, the only toilet
was a women's toilet, despite women being a minority on that floor. Male
staff had to go down to the next floor, which was leased by another organisation,
to use a male toilet. To add insult to injury, the male toilet was smelly
and fitted out like a public toilet while the women's toilet was very plush
and fitted with an extractor-fan and air-freshener. The toilet situation
was similar on the other secondary polytechnic campus. When employers discriminate
against men in various ways, it seldom gets any publicity or resolution.
False Statistics
The
vigour with which social engineering policies such as EEO and AA are implemented
is often linked to the perceived severity of the issue. And it is Feminist
researchers, by and large, who produce the statistics intended to show
how big such problems are. Hence, EEO and AA policies are often based on
distorted statistics. An official government report, for example, states:
There
has been little movement towards gender equity in the teaching service
in the past three years.... Fewer women than men held senior positions,
particularly in primary schools. Furthermore, they received, on average,
lower salaries than did their male colleagues in equivalent positions or
with the same qualifications. (page 1, second paragraph).3
This
passage was obviously intended by the two female authors to create the
impression there was some problem to be solved here. The leaflet is studded
with words such as "imbalance," "under-representation" and so on. However,
the leaflet does not take account of – or even mention – length of service!
Pay-scales in the teaching service are based on a system of seniority from
a point initially determined by qualifications to a maximum you can't progress
beyond without applying for promotion.
Near
the end, the leaflet does mention how more women than men left the service
(temporarily or permanently), and it is obvious childbirth and childcare
must have been among the reasons for this. Yet the leaflet neither investigates
nor even mentions any reason why women have lower salaries than men with
the same qualifications that do not support their contention of gender
bias. Because women have shorter careers, they don't progress as far up
the payscale ladder, and they are less likely to apply for or achieve promotion.
The
link is obvious, though it may not account statistically for all the difference
between men's and women's salaries in the teaching service. Regardless,
the leaflet conveys a misleading impression, and the authors must have
been either incompetent or intentionally fraudulent. Do our officials care?
I wrote to the Minister of Education about this and the reply from Education
Ministry Group Manager Rob McIntosh neither disputes this nor apologizes
for the oversight:
“Unfortunately,
data on length of service was not available when the report was being prepared.
While acknowledging the relevance of this factor to some of the issues
discussed, its absence does not invalidate the material which is included.
For example, if position is partly determined by years of service, then
the analysis of salary by designation also reflects the length of time
a person has been teaching.”
They
simply do not care. As long as there is no Masculist research industry
to balance the bias of the Feminist research industry, this sort of distortion
will continue to go unchallenged and result in administrative and political
policies which discriminate against men.
Men
work for and earn more money than women do, but women control more than
65% of US personal wealth and spend four consumer dollars for every consumer
dollar men spend. This means that personal wealth is controlled mainly
by women, because women live longer than men and inherit their wealth at
the point in their life when they are likely to be at their richest. Young
men, on the other hand, are usually relatively poor at the start of their
careers. Women also get wealth from men through alimony, palimony and child-support
payments which they do not have to report for tax purposes because men
do.
Sexual Harassment
Sexual
harassment regulations are another example of one-sided rules instigated
by Feminists, who have scant regard for the needs or rights of men. In
some cases, these seem to have been devised by Lesbian Separatists who
really would prefer to have nothing to do with men at all! It is generally
men who take the initiative in sexual relationships, with all the attendant
risks of rejection. This means that men, on the whole, must be more open
about their sexual feelings or end up single, celibate and alone. Heterosexual
women, on the whole, tend to be more passive and are less overt about their
sexual feelings since they can afford to wait until a man makes the first
move.
So
sexual harassment regulations, by punishing natural male sexual behaviours
while rewarding natural female passivity, oppress men. Men, by acting naturally,
can now have their careers blighted – while women, by acting naturally,
are defined in this context as model employees. Females can and do sexually
harass males (I have been on the receiving end of this), but it is basically
an offense waiting for a man to commit it.
Sexual
harassment regulations can even have an anti-male bias written into them,
as I mentioned earlier. Policies, for example, which restrict "looking
down shirts or up skirts" as a form of sexual harassment but place no restrictions
on women dressing in ways that produce gaps in their blouses or allow vast
amounts of leg or even underwear to be seen, depending on the position
of the wearer. This makes women officially blameless while forcing men
to avert their eyes or run the risk of being automatically guilty of sexual
harassment.
In
America, the National Association of Scholars took out an ad in the March
1994 edition of the American Spectator publicizing their policy statement
on sexual harassment and academic freedom. Two of the most important points
it makes are:
1. |
Institutions
should define sexual harassment precisely, confining it to individual behaviour
that is manifestly sexual and that clearly violates the rights of others;
|
2. |
Institutions
should punish those who knowingly lodge false accusations of harassment.
|
These
aim to make it difficult for women (in particular) to turn just any trivial
incident into a sexual harassment complaint – and also to make it hard
to use sexual harassment complaints as a way of victimising people who
have unpopular opinions. But most institutions are far too intimidated
by the Feminist lobby and their lawyers to implement reasonable policy.
Better by far to immolate individual innocent men than to risk a big money
lawsuit with all the attendant bad publicity. Proving once more how sexual
harassment oppresses men.
Sports Apartheid
Where
is the slogan "Women Can Do Anything" in professional sports such as tennis?
Professional and semi-professional sportswomen receive far more prize-money
and publicity than the level of their performances relative to men in most
sports deserves. For example, in Iron Man and triathlon events the media
and judges lavish attention on the male winner (and perhaps the second
and third men to cross the finish line), and then on the first one-to-three
women to cross the finish-line, even though the women may come in much
later than dozens of men. Not only does this discriminate against all the
men who come in ahead of the leading women, but all mention of the comparative
times of the leading men and the leading women are sometimes censored out.
To hide the fact that women can’t do just anything men can, of course.
In
October, 1993, there was a combination running-and-mountain-bike race in
Dunedin, New Zealand. Both men and women competed, but the women were given
a 20-minute head-start. As one of the leading male contenders pointed out,
this was highly sexist. If a woman, benefiting from her head-start, had
come in first, she would have received exactly the same prize-money a male
winner would, despite his 20-minute handicap.
As
it happened, the best men took about 30 minutes less time than the leading
women to cover the course, so it was a man who took the winner's purse.
Will Feminists pressure the organisers to raise the handicap to 30 minutes,
so a less able woman can win? Soon we could witness the sexist farce of
a woman picking up the winner's purse for achieving a result inferior to
several men and 30 minutes worse than the best man.
If
sportswomen who underperform the best sportsmen in certain sports are to
get the same level of publicity and sponsorship as the best sportsmen,
then so should the best junior sportsmen and sportswomen, the best disabled
sportsmen and sportswomen, the best veteran/masters sportsmen and sportswomen,
and so on. Wherever there was sexual segregation Feminists did not like,
they called it "sexist" and got it abolished. But in open competition with
men, female athletes would be shown for what they really are. This is why
Feminists have not been jumping up and down demanding an end to double
standards on this issue, of course.
Similar
conditions occur in other sports, such as tennis and golf, as Bertels (1981)
points out. Professional female tennis-players play three-set tennis while
their male colleagues often have to play five-set tennis championships.
The calibre of women's tennis is lower, yet the women players seldom miss
an opportunity to demand purses equal to men’s! In golf, the women's tee
is closer to the green than the men's despite the obvious inequality involved.
Again, no Feminists have complained about this. But they are complaining
about the prize money.
Should
they be paid the same as men? Thomas (1993) also points out that at Wimbledon
female prize-money is within 10 percent of male prize-money. Female players
such as Monica Seles want 100 percent parity in prize-money. Several years
ago the male player Pat Cash said women are not only not as good at tennis
as men (and no woman has denied this or attempted to disprove it), but
they also don’t work as hard for their money.
Barbara
Potter, a radio commentator for the BBC and a former professional tennis
player, estimates that only 50 percent of professional women tennis players
are fully fit. The men are much fitter, as they play on a much more competitive
circuit. When Steffi Graf won (the women's) Wimbledon singles title in
1991, she had to play only 128 games to win her prize money of Stg. 216,000.
Michael Stich, the men's 1991 Wimbledon champion, had to play all of 257
games for his prize money of Stg. 240,000. This works out to Stg. 933.85
per game for Stich, and almost twice as much per game – Stg. 1,687.50 –
for Graf. Based on pay per game, the Feminists have no case.
Nor,
according to Thomas (1993) can they argue for equal prize-money on the
grounds of the amount of revenue they generate. On British television,
for example, the BBC had 8.1 million viewers for the 1991 Wimbledon men's
final but only 7.0 million viewers for the women's final. And the black
market prices for Wimbledon centre court tickets for the men's final were
Stg. 650-900 for the men's final and only Stg. 300-450 for the women's
final.
Where
is all the money paid to female tennis-players coming from? The same sources
that pay male tennis-players. But female players are paid more than men,
relative to the income they actually generate. If they were paid purely
in proportion to their economic value, then male players would be paid
more because male players earn more. So male professionals are in effect
subsidising their female counterparts. Isn’t that like a sexist double
standard? Two separate and unequal systems, like athletic segregation,
or apartheid, one for privileged women, the other for workhorse men? But
where are the Feminists demanding equal pay for equal work?
Since
Feminists favour EEO and oppose separate men's clubs, the sexual apartheid
system in all sports should be abolished; e.g., female players should play
in the same competition as men and for the same prizes. The alternatives
are to continue with the Feminist hypocrisy, or enshrine sexual segregation
in some areas of social and sporting life through legislation, with pay
for men set substantially higher than women to accurately reflect the different
objective standards involved.
It
is highly unfair for men and women to be treated equally in employment
only when it suits women! We must actively oppose this, because Feminists
are demanding more of this “equal” treatment (money and media coverage)
across the board for their substandard half of the apartheid sports industry.
All their jabber about wanting nothing more than a level playing field
notwithstanding, this is one arena in which women are almost always incapable
of competing on that much vaunted but little coveted level playing-field.
Double Standards
As
I mentioned earlier, police recruitment policies in some countries discriminate
against men. My example is the New Zealand police force, but I am sure
such discrimination is a feature of most western police forces. There are
no longer any minimum height requirements for police recruits in New Zealand,
but there used to be. I asked Police Headquarters why the requirements
were eliminated, and their reply was illuminating. It is "a well-established
fact," they said, that men are, on average, taller than women. Proportionately,
they argued, it would discriminate against women to set the same minimum
height standards for them as for men.
How
about areas such as the real estate industry, where women are sometimes
considered to have better relevant people-skills than men? How about demanding
that that industry should aim to employ more men who have less developed
people skills because it would discriminate against men to set the same
people skills standards for them as for women? Here people would say the
best person for the job should get the job. Then why don't they say that
for the police? A competent police force is much more vital to society's
welfare than a competent real estate industry.
When
Feminism-related jobs are advertised (in the Ministry of Women's Affairs,
or Equal Employment Opportunities positions, etc.), one of the criteria
is usually "an interest in sexual equality issues," or some such phrase.
Proportionately, many more women than men meet this criterion, but no one
ever says that the Ministry of Women's Affairs should lower their standards
on this to be fair, proportionately, to men. Here's another (albeit extreme)
example: it is also a "well-established fact" that it is very much more
difficult for a woman, or even a group of women, to rape a man than for
a man, or group of men to rape a woman. Does anyone ever argue that penalties
for men who rape women should be lowered to be proportionately fair to
men?
Feminist
arguments taken to their logically absurd extreme aside, the fact remains
that under the pressure from Feminist lobby-groups society does impose
a double standard on men.
And
what about ethnic double standards? If we have them for men and women,
then logically, we should have different standards for ethnic or other
groups whose average physical characteristics differ from the average for
the population as a whole. Otherwise, some ethnic groups, such as the generally
powerful Samoans, might have an “unfair advantage” over other ethnic groups,
such as the generally slight east Asians. But let’s take the twisted Feminist
logic ever further and apply it to disabled people. If we are going to
have different physical standards for men and women, then we should have
different standards for the physically and intellectually challenged, who
should also be entitled to become police officers.
I
wrote to the Minister of Police and got a copy of their old and new entry
standards for recruits. I couldn't believe my eyes! The 1990 version had
explicitly different standards for men and women, in that men of all ages
had less time to complete the physical tasks than women of comparable ages.
But in 1993 a Review of the Entry Standards for Police Recruits was completed.
It said that the previous test "had different requirements for men and
women and under the Human Rights legislation this is no longer acceptable."
So they changed the screening process. Fair enough, you might think. But
the new regulations had different standards for men and women, too! All
that had really changed was the performance scores were translated into
grades (0 to 3). The translation formula was what was different for men
and women.
So
a man and a woman might both get a 3 ("good") for the vertical jump, for
example, but a man would have to reach 48cm or more where a woman would
only have to reach 40cm, and so on for the various activities.
Obviously,
they had their lawyers figure out a way to retain the double standard without
breaching the letter of the new Human Rights legislation! Think of all
the male applicants who fail even though they perform better than woman
who pass. Forget the men, think of you and your loved ones getting inferior
protection because the best candidates were not recruited. Straight-out
job-related discrimination against men does take place – especially in
female-dominated organisations such as cosmetics companies, and this is
occasionally reported in the media.
Housework
The
proposal that women should be paid wages for housework is another means
by which Feminists are trying to extort money from men. If women can't
get into the paid workforce, then taxpayers should pay them to stay home!
In a radio interview an official from the New Zealand Ministry of Women's
Affairs noted the Ministry opposes wages for housework/child upbringing
and wants to retain features of the tax system that favour working couples
over single-income families. Why? Ostensibly because it is unfair to women
to pay them to stay home. Two-income families, the Ministry spokeswoman
said, can usually cover the cost of childcare and/or home help themselves
(i.e., from the pay one parent would otherwise relinquish to stay at home),
or the working parents are able to handle the housework/child-care in addition
to their work-commitments. Hence, why limit women's options?
There
is an obvious Feminist value-judgement here: encouraging both partners
to get jobs is more important to them than housework and bringing up a
family. What the Ministry of Women's Affairs spokeswoman did not say was
that having more housewives at home bringing up children would diminish
the size of the working women's lobby, which (including the male partners
of working women, who like the extra income) is the backbone of the Feminist
movement. This is the real reason some Feminists oppose a wage for housewives,
and why conservative Christian parties sometimes favour it. Employers,
however, may have mixed motives for giving in to Feminist demands – women
may be willing to work for less than men are, and having more women alongside
men in the workforce increases the labour pool and drives down wages.
Moreover,
income taxation in several western countries is structured along Feminist
lines. One person in New Zealand earning, say, NZ$40,000 pays more tax
than a working couple with a combined income of NZ$40,000. The government
grants low income earners rebates irrespective of their partner's income,
or lack thereof. In other words, the family is no longer a taxation unit,
the number of dependents is no longer relevant to the amount of tax a person
pays, and this contributes to the rising number of single parent (i.e.
single mother) households. And New Zealand is by no means alone in this.
The income taxes of several countries actively discourage marriage thereby
hastening the demise of two-parent households.
Why
would they want to do that? Because like the Chinese Communists under Mao,
Feminists see the family as a rival power-structure they must weaken if
not destroy.
Feminists
have captured the Establishment in western countries, and they are continually
restructuring society to make working women (with of without a partner,
and with or without children) the central focus. Barbara Andolsen's article,
for example, "A Woman's Work is Never Done" (1985), deals with the related
issue of households where both the man and the woman work, but the woman
still does most of the housework. She argues that justice requires men
and women in such households should share the housework equally:
By
1983 fifty-two percent of all wives were working for wages. Almost two-thirds
of all women with children ages six to seventeen were working for wages.
Fifty percent of mothers with children under six were working outside the
home (an increase of seventeen percent in one decade.) More than three-quarters
of all divorced mothers are in the labor force. American households in
which a wage-earning husband supports a nonwage-earning wife – a wife presumable
devoting her energies to household maintenance – are now a dwindling minority
among families. (page 4)
The
same period might well furnish a Masculist researcher with other, arguably
related statistics: a rise in sales of books by Feminists, a rising divorce-rate,
a rising truancy-rate, a rising drug-dependency rate, a rising male suicide
rate, and a rising crime rate. One could speculate that the increasing
number of Feminist books (together with improved birth-control methods)
persuaded more and more married women to enter the workforce and leave
their husbands (not necessarily in that order). The increasing number of
two-income and one-parent families led to increased truancy, drug-dependency,
and crime among their neglected children. The New Scientist of 20 February
1999 reports that Bernard Lerer and his colleagues found that children
whose parents split up are more likely to have a psychiatric illness later
in life.
Feminism
has destabilised the traditional family, encouraged many women to be dissatisfied
(or to be brought up already dissatisfied) with the nuclear family, where
the husband was the sole breadwinner and also titular "head of the household."
Husbands, or potential husbands, had to either conform to a changing role
in the family or opt for celibacy or separation (if already in a relationship).
Feminism (particularly Radical Feminism) also romanticised financial and
emotional independence from men as an ideal to which women should aspire.
Be
that as it may, the fact seems to be that working couples do not share
the housework equally: working husbands with working wives only do, on
average, up to about twenty-five percent of what Andolsen calls the "more
pleasant" of the household tasks, such as social or educational care of
children, food-preparation, and food-clean-up. This ignores the more traditionally
male chores, such as sports-coaching, gardening, car maintenance, and home-handyman-type
work, which take up a lot of the working man's spare time. Warren Farrell
(1993) reports two US studies showing men do more work than women, if you
include housework, commuting, repairs, work in the garden, and so on.
Feminists
also ignore how husbands are more likely to work overtime, either by bringing
their work home with them or physically remaining at the workplace. And
as more men than women occupy senior positions, the latter is more likely
to apply to them as well. We should also note that one reason more men
than women occupy senior positions is precisely because men work significantly
more overtime than women.
Andolsen
is aware of this, but her response is to propose employers stop requiring
their ambitious employees to work these long hours! As Feminist writer
Ellie McGarth put it, "The answer is not to move women out of star jobs
but to redefine our expectations for everyone." (Savvy magazine, June 1989,
p 40) Not only is this unrealistic, but also evidence Feminists have raised
the notion of shared housework to the status of an ideal for its own sake,
not as an issue of ethics or equity.
An estrogen tax?
In
any emergency involving danger (whether local and personal, civil or military),
it is men, not women, that Feminists expect to run the risks. Any laziness
that men may or may not exhibit around the house is a fair trade off against
the danger society may call upon us to face.
Just
how real is this risk? How can we quantify it? The problem is actuarial
in nature, something insurance companies deal with all the time. They calculate
their premiums on the basis of statistics as to the likelihood of the event
they are insuring against. They also build in their overheads and a profit
margin. In this context, if we picture the family as a socio-economic unit,
then, all other factors being equal, the reason insurance premiums for
men are higher than women is because of the greater risks men face throughout
life, because the state spends less money researching, publicising, preventing,
and treating men's health issues, and because men are not encouraged to
look after their own health the way women are.
Hence,
men are providing protection on a non-profit basis. They provide protection
from potential burglars, rapists, etc., and they do this just by their
physical presence. Sometimes they actually have to confront such criminals,
but often a criminal will avoid entering a house just because an adult
male is obviously resident. Men are also liable to be conscripted in wartime
to pursue the military aims of the nation as a whole.
The
standard Feminist response to this is, it's a man-problem to begin with,
because, but for the male aggressors, women wouldn't need protection; hence,
there should even be a special "testosterone tax" on men to help pay for
the added expense males impose upon society. However, there is no evidence
that women, in any specific country at a time of war, are any more pacifist
than men, and there is no evidence that women leaders are more pacifist
than male leaders. Just because the leaders who have to decide whether
to go to war are usually male, armchair Feminists can sit back and pretend
such decisions have nothing to do with women. Similarly, they assert men
have a higher propensity to commit crime than women, but as more women
become the primary breadwinners the crime rate for women is going up.
Instead
of a "testosterone tax," we arguably need an "oestrogen tax" because women
live longer and therefore use more taxpayer-funded health resources,utilities,
and retirement benefits. They also receive more state-funded legal aid
and single parent benefits. And they carry out taxpayer-funded abortions.
Women also tie up more of the GNP of western countries because a significant
proportion of the media, bureaucracy, education system, and legislature
is dedicated to promoting and implementing Feminist agendas and suppressing
men's and fathers' rights. Women are never conscripted into the front-line
in wartime, so they should be taxed to pay for this sexist exemption.
It
should be perfectly possible to quantify these issues, and to quantify
the value of housework, based on rates of pay for home help. On this basis,
it should be possible to quantify how much, or how little housework the
average adult male should equitably do, and how much the oestrogen tax
should amount to.
If
a wife does not have an outside job, then who does most of the housework
would not be an issue. But Feminism has taught women it is better to get
a job outside the home than to do a good job of looking after your children.
Once they are working, women don't always see why they should also do most
of the housework. On the other hand, maybe the husband would prefer her
to stay home and do the housework and childcare. Why should he then shoulder
extra burdens created by his wife's selfish or materialistic decision?
Close
relationships work best when based on complementarity rather than competition.
A marriage of two people of similar personalities does not work as well
as one where the personalities of the spouses complement one another. Likewise
with roles. The best thing about the old-fashioned philosophy that "a woman's
place is in the home" was that spouses had distinct, well-defined and complementary
roles in the socio-economic system of the family. If both are working,
then they are to some extent competitors. Of course, complementarity also
results if the wife works and the man is a househusband, but few women
are interested in such an arrangement.
Having
a job of her own also makes it more likely a woman will feel like leaving
her husband. Every relationship goes through stresses and strains. The
social and legal climate helps to determine how much a couple will put
up with before they separate or divorce. And the Feminists have seen to
it women are more inclined than ever to leave – especially as matrimonial
and divorce legislation and enforcement are biased against men.
Military Service and Conscription – a Pregnant
Silence
Military
service and conscription are an area where women have always had an advantage
over men, and Feminists are not about to complain about it! But they are
working hard trying to get women the choice of a military career without
the obligation of conscription. Nowhere are Feminist double standards more
blatant. Farrell (1993) states this issue of military service in graphic
terms:
Imagine:
Music is playing on your car radio. An announcer's voice interrupts: 'We
have a special bulletin from the president.'... The president announces,
"Since 1.2 million American men have been killed in war, as part of my
new program for equality, we will draft only women until 1.2 million American
women have been killed in war." (op. cit. page 28)
Wars
have always involved civilian casualties, but most of the casualties are
soldiers and most of the soldiers have been men. So I think it is worthwhile
making Farrel's imaginary scenario a political proposal. At least it would
expose Feminists as the hypocrites they are.
As
a bare minimum, Liberal Masculists might say that the drafting of women
as front-line troops should occur on exactly the same basis as for men
(whether in war or peace). Increased use of military technology has indeed
reduced the importance of men's greater upper-body strength and hormonal
characteristics in war, as much of the action is now long-distance. Even
infantry warfare involves little upper-body strength. However, this is
more a moral issue than a practical one and the argument for mandatory
draft registration of women would be strong even in the absence of sophisticated
military hardware.
Moral
and political arguments aside, conservative Masculists still prefer the
traditional division of labour: only men should be subject to conscription
and front line duty, but they should receive some special treatment in
return. Legal status as head of the household, for example. It might even
be used as an argument for repealing women's right to vote: why should
women elect governments that can declare war when they don't share equally
in the dangers that war involves?
Some
Feminists favour opening front-line positions to women who volunteer. However,
Feminists don't like the idea of compelling women to undertake such dangerous
and unpleasant duties. Of course, many men oppose the idea, as well, but
Feminists who hide behind this are hypocrites. Many Feminists pretend that
wars are "men's games", which is an outright lie. Most wars have just as
much support from the females in the populations involved as from the males.
How many Feminists stood up and said that Britain should not defend itself
against Hitler, for example? And I once read of a German mother who so
adored Hitler that she said that, if Hitler was really homosexual, she
would send her son to sleep with him! In 1999 the Sri Lankan Prime Minister
was a woman, and in that year a Tamil female suicide bomber blew herself
up in an attempt to kill her! In what way was that a "man's game"?
Feminists
also say we should concentrate on preventing war because a world without
war has no need for conscription. True enough, but that does not stop them
from demanding that women have the option to serve on the front lines.
Moreover, there is a contradiction between that and the line Feminists
take on abortion. You never hear Feminists say they oppose abortion because
they are concentrating their efforts on preventing unwanted pregnancies!
Everyone
agrees that war and unwanted pregnancies are both evils we should avoid.
But in the case of war, Feminists pretend they can abolish the evil and
thereby ignore the conscription issue. While in the case of unwanted pregnancy,
they focus instead on removing the inconvenience for women – at the cost
of a human life!
But
this is not the only context in which they suffer from a distorted sense
of proportionality: The Men's Manifesto (Richard Doyle, Men's Defense Association,
1992) notes Feminists made a serious demand for a statue of a "combat woman"
to be erected at the Vietnam War Memorial in the United States. This was
intended to memorialize specially and separately the eight (8) American
women who died in that war. The existing memorial would then be shared
only by the 58,000 American men who died there.
This
complete lack of compassion, gratitude and sense of proportion by the Feminists
is absolutely typical. They must feel guilty about all the sacrifices men
have made in wartime on behalf of women and children, and that it is one
of the weakest points of their case if it leads them to attempt to raise
ancillary activities to the same level as front-line infantry fighting.
The Sexual Division of Labour
In
their drive to get more women into the paid workforce, one of the Feminists'
main complaints has been how more men than women hold full-time jobs. What's
more, even when women started to enter the work-force in large numbers,
occupations still tended to be sexually segregated, with many (though not
all) of the predominantly male occupations commanding higher pay.
In
his introduction to Lionel Tiger (1984), Desmond Morris gives the following
as the historical cause of this phenomenon:
When
our ancient ancestors switched to hunting as a way of life, the relationship
between males and females was dramatically altered. Females, with their
heavy reproductive burden, were unable to play a major role in this new
feeding pattern, which had become so vital for survival. A much greater
division of labour between the sexes arose. The males became specialized
for the chase. They became more athletic and they spent long periods of
time away from the tribal home base, in pursuit of prey.
To
put this in perspective, it is worth noting that most humans were hunter-gatherers
until about 5,000 years ago – that is, for about 99 percent of our existence
as a species. This is not to say the hunting, carried out primarily by
men, was economically more important than the gathering, which was carried
out primarily by women. The women gathered the food for the basic diet,
and what the men brought back from the hunt was the "icing on the cake,"
as it were. Meat was important as a source of fat and protein. However,
to say hunting was the original cause of the division of labour does not
amount to a claim that what men did was more important than what women
did.
Nor,
as Tiger (1970) emphasizes, is saying there was a good reason for creating
a sexual division of labour long ago the same as contending it must be
perpetuated, or that it cannot be reversed in the present or future. Nevertheless,
Morris and Tiger do talk in terms of genetic changes resulting from natural
selection. They are both biologists and social scientists who base their
work on that of ethologists such as Konrad Lorenz, George Schaller and
Jane Goodall.
Such
scientists discovered a lot about the complexity of animal (especially
primate) social behaviour. Moreover, they are also in a position to start
puzzling out how these patterns of behaviour can be genetically transmitted
and selected for, or selected out, just like physical characteristic. Thus
what they claim about "human nature" has a semi-permanent ring to it. Natural
selection operates over a large time-scale. And species have so far never
been able or willing to consciously determine the overall course of genetic
development within their own species.
So
it is easy to see how this book upset many Feminists. They are, after all,
keen to bring about social change; i.e., change resulting from conscious
administrative and legal reforms which take place on the time-scale of
a generation, or thereabouts. They would not be happy to hear someone claim
male dominance in the best-paid, full-time employment sectors reflects
reality on the genetic level. This would mean it could not be changed for
thousands of years, and no amount of pressure from Feminist groups could
hasten the day. Instead, any change would have to result from impersonal,
intangible selective pressures.
But
such findings have other, more immediate results of far greater concern
to Feminists, as well. Academic works by people like Lionel Tiger (and
also those written by Feminists) may claim to be merely descriptive of
what the authors observe. But there is a feedback-loop between description
and behaviour in the social sciences. As soon as an academic popularises
the fact that certain previously obscure facts do occur, people accept
them, allowing the events in question to occur more frequently. Thus what
started off as a descriptive account ends up being more prescriptive –
an indication of what should or at least could take place without being
ethically wrong.
Hence,
it's important for us to consider the attitudes of the author or researcher.
We cannot simply assume academics pursue their work in a purely objective
frame of mind. If a sociolinguist, for example, undertakes a lengthy study
of a stigmatized word (such as "ain't"), then two things are certain:
1. |
They
would not devote all that time if they firmly believed the word was bad
and should never be used: the research topic selects the researcher, to
some extent;
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2. |
Once
the research results are published, showing the use of "ain't" was not
random, but had just as structured a place in its own linguistics and sociolinguistic
context as any other word, then the taboos against its use weaken and "polite
society" begins using it more than before. Ironically, the same researcher
could then go back a few years later, do some follow-up research, find
the previously taboo word was now no longer so taboo, and never realise
their own research contributed to this change!
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This
is why Feminists reacted so strongly against Lionel Tiger's book. Once
it was known that bonding within male groups is "natural" and has specific
functions, men felt less guilty about belonging to male-only organisations.
The less guilty they feel, the less likely they are to bow to Feminist
pressure to admit women members. And they may also feel less guilty about
working in male-only occupations.
Most
Feminist meetings, "consciousness-raising" sessions, etc., exclude men.
With no men present to defend themselves (or for some women to empathize
with), the extremists can push their line more effectively. "Those who
are absent are always in the wrong," as the French proverb goes. Thus they
can convict men of all sorts of "crimes" when the guys aren't around to
defend themselves.
Conversely,
this is also why Feminists want to desegregate all male-only institutions:
a male point of view, such as Masculism, could (and probably would) develop
in a male-only environment.
Similarly,
when an academic devotes herself to research in "Women's Studies," we can
confidently assume they have an emotional stake in those issues. Once they
publish their research, public attitudes toward those issues will almost
certainly change, probably in the direction the author desires. This is
why the very existence of "Women's Studies" departments in universities,
and of Ministries of "Women's Affairs" in government is fraught with political
implications.
Desmond
Morris obviously believes natural selection has favoured societies with
male bonding as part of their social organisation, and that the consequences
are binding on us genetically to this day:
His
comments are particularly valuable at a time when attempts are being made
to minimize the difference between the sexes. A misguided but vociferous
minority is campaigning to conceal human gender differences and to obscure
the evolutionary truth about our species. This unisexual philosophy seeks
to distort the facts as part of an otherwise laudable assault on the unjustifiable
exploitation and subjugation of modern woman. (op.cit.)
One
of the central themes of Tiger (1984) is that "differences between males
and females, as whole groups, are not solely restricted to discernible
physical ones and those specifically reproductive operations related to
them." Take hormones, for example – they differ, and they affect our moods
and emotions differently. Even if hormones are "physical," the moods and
emotions they produce are not.
Once
a Feminist admits men and women differ psychologically (if only because
of hormones), it becomes very hard to deny other psychological differences
between men and women. These psychological differences are what make "equality"
(in the sense of identical treatment) hard to support in theory or achieve
in practice. Indeed, any society which attempts to implement the kind of
social changes Feminism facilitates may eventually collapse under the strain
as the unstable elements of society out-reproduce and, thereby, replace
the more stable elements:
It
seems inescapable that one concrete outcome of this is a widespread pattern
of relatively late marriage, delayed childbearing, if any, and then smaller
families than before in the major industrial economies.... Since we know
that children of small families have small or smaller families themselves,
this seems like a continuously persisting trend. In addition, the proportion
of men and women who are unmarried has been rising ..., and presumable
related to this is a deep decline in birth rates in industrial economies
such that on balance it is below replacement. (Tiger 1984, Preface)
One
of the striking features of the black ghettoes of American cities is their
high proportion of single mothers with many children. It is a truism that
single mothers have trouble controlling their teenage sons. The people
of the ghettoes have the lowest educational levels, the most poverty, the
most crime, the most drug abuse, the most alienation from the police and
the Establishment as a whole, as well as the greatest propensity to riot.
Feminism alone is not responsible for this or the widespread decline of
the two-parent family, but it is shares the responsibility.
Do
we want children in our society? That is the question. If our main aim
is materialistic, then bringing up children takes second place. In that
context, it makes sense for women to consider not marrying and to delay
or avoid having children, and for both parents to work. However, if our
primary social goal is to bring up each new generation in a stable and
secure environment, then parents have to make sacrifices. Unless there
are communal or extended-family child-care options, one parent (usually
the mother) has to stay home, we must restore the role of a housewife to
its previous high status as an occupation, we need to socially stigmatize
divorce, and the employed parent (usually the father) has to be legally
liable for the upkeep of the non-employed partner and children.
Children
are our future, and if we put them last, what becomes of that future? In
that context, the question is not "is there a sexual division of labour,"
but "how do we best fulfill the sexual division of labour?"
Other Employment Issues
At
the start of this chapter, we mentioned models and professional tennis
players. As Thomas (1993) points out, it is very illuminating to compare
the situation of professional tennis-players with that of professional
models. Fees for male models are much less than those paid to female models,
as men generally provide a much smaller market for cosmetics and fashionable
clothes than women do.
In
this area, unlike professional tennis, the economics of the situation dictate
the respective incomes of male and female professionals. In tennis, as
we saw, Feminists applied political pressure with the result that top female
tennis professionals now receive 90 percent of the pay top male professionals
earn. We also saw how the females expend less effort dollar-for-dollar,
pound-for-pound, than the males, and how female professional tennis generates
much less revenue than male professional tennis. In modelling, however,
women bring in more money than men do and are paid accordingly; so where
are the Feminists demanding equality?
While
the top female models have annual earnings in the millions of dollars,
the top male models have annual earnings in the mere tens of thousands
– one hundredth of the female figure! There is a great and obvious inequity
in this situation. Men should demand that either male models earn 90 percent
of what female models earn, or female professional tennis-players go back
to earning what they are actually worth in economic terms.
Equal pay for equal stress?
According
to an article in the London "Independent" newspaper about research by Dr.
Tessa Pollard of Oxford University, men and women, in supposedly equally
demanding jobs, reported (subjectively) equal amounts of work stress. However,
objectively, men had higher adrenalin levels (showing higher stress) than
the women. The researcher concluded women's hormones protected them from
adrenalin surges, and this may be why men have higher levels of heart disease
than women.
But
this may be only part of the story; another factor they should consider
is interpersonal relations. In the context of Feminist propaganda, men
in the modern workplace are subject to much more stress from this source
than women are. As the Feminist agenda invades the workplace, it forces
men to adapt a predominantly male environment to Feminist sensibilities.
How can a man relax when any normally masculine behavior he may exhibit
could get him fired? The Feminist anti-male conspiracy has men on edge.
No wonder they suffer from higher levels of stress.
In
this context, Richard Doyle commented in The Liberator (www.mensdefense.org)
newsletter (March 1995) on research by Anne S. Tsui of the University of
California at Irvine. She reported that men in an all-male work environment
show the strongest commitment to their jobs, and their commitment declines
as the percentage of women in their work group rises. There may well be
a connection between these research results. It is also noticeable how
the Japanese economy has suffered, since the male-only workplace culture
became diluted by increasing numbers of women workers. We should encourage
research to follow this line of inquiry.
Conclusion
There
are areas in paid employment where women have achieved an unfair advantage.
And there are other areas where women already had an advantage, where Feminists
have actually worsened an already inequitable state of affairs. Equity
needs to be restored to the workplace, or men's morale will suffer serious
damage. Workplace efficiency and economic performance are likely to decline
if we continue discriminating against men with one-sided Feminist employment
laws and regulations.
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Last
Update: 28 December 2004
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©Peter Zohrab |